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Radwanski's Ramblings...


Tuesday July 6, 2004

Conflicted logic

I have to say (as I did on the Post's "Across the Board" blog, so skip this if you've already read it) that the latest episode in the Bill Sampson saga is a little puzzling.

Ever since his release last year, Sampson and many of those who followed his ordeal in Saudi Arabia have complained that our Foreign Affairs department didn't advocate strongly enough on his behalf. But this past weekend, it emerged that he and the British prisoners he was locked up and allegedly tortured with may have been freed because of a Saudi-U.S. pact (arranged by Washington as a favour to Tony Blair's government)in which several terror suspects were returned to the Kingdom. So now, Sampson is complaining that he wouldn't have wanted to be used as capital in that sort of deal - but he's also still complaining that Canada didn't do enough.

It seems to me these two grievances are mutually exclusive. Either the U.S./Great Britain should be lauded for doing more than us, or they should be criticized for what they chose to do. But if a prisoner exchange is all the Saudis were looking for, then - quite apart from the fact that we wouldn't have had the prisoners to trade even if we'd wanted to - it's pretty unreasonable to simultaneously suggest that the U.S. was in the wrong to grant it and that we were wrong not to.

I have a lot of sympathy for Sampson, as most Canadians do. I can't begin to imagine what he went through, nor what effect it must have had on him. But that said, it might be time for those of us in the media to stop echoing every complaint that he raises. With good reason, he's clearly rather conflicted - but we needn't be quite so much.

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Don't all rush out to buy it at once...

My musical taste is starting to confuse me.

I never particularly liked arty, '80s-style dance-rock when it was played by arty '80s dance-rock bands. But when newer entries are playing it in 2004, I'm all over it. First it was Franz Ferdinand; now it's the Killers.

Maybe I'm getting old. Certainly, I haven't gotten rhythm, and never will. But I do have Hot Fuss, the Killers' debut, and I recommend you get it too. Or at the very least, have a listen to its fifth track, "All These Things That I've Done" - you won't regret it.

Just for the record, I'm still looking forward to the new Libertines album. I haven't gone completely soft...I swear.

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Monday July 5, 2004

Celebrating July 4th with Michael Moore

I finally saw Fahrenheit 9/11 last night…sort of. With a few minutes left, the fire alarm went off and every cinema at the Paramount was evacuated. Since it was the last showing of the evening, we couldn’t go back in. So I’m now faced with the dilemma of whether to go back and watch the whole thing again just to see its conclusion.

In any case, I think I saw enough to get the general gist of it, and to be able to get a better handle on the debate surrounding it. So I re-read Christopher Hitchens’ 4,300-word opus on the subject, which has emerged as the most relevant and oft-quoted of the innumerable attacks on the film.

On one of Hitchens’ central points – that the film revolves around an endless series of mistruths – I tend to agree. “Lies” may be too strong a term for what is, in most cases, a willingness to leave out enough details to provide a misrepresentation of what’s going on. But anyone who’s even mildly conscious of world events knows, when they see shots of frolicking Iraqi children pre-invasion, that they’re not being told the whole story. Some of Moore’s liberties with the truth are easily detectable, and others less so. But there’s no question that the viewer who fails to look critically at what they’re seeing and takes it as gospel does so at his or her peril.

At the same time, Hitchens loses me with his contention that Fahrenheit 9/11 revolves around a “big lie.” To my reading (based, as you already know, on seeing about 95% of the film), Moore’s central message is that the Bush administration’s response to 9/11 – and particularly its invasion of Iraq – has been more about meeting political goals than actively addressing security concerns. One can disagree with this argument, but it’s not exactly an absurdity. And to a considerable extent, Moore backs it up. You can poke plenty of holes in the individual pieces of evidence, but the broader points – among them that close ties with Saudi Arabia have precluded a much-needed crackdown, that easier and more politically appealing targets have been chosen instead, and that both American and Iraqi lives have been recklessly sacrificed for self-serving reasons that have little to do with stopping terrorism – are not fallacies. And that doesn’t even touch on the offensiveness of the Patriot Act, which Moore actually goes relatively light on by comparison.

At least, that’s my take on it. Others, as we well know, will respond differently. My colleagues at the Post worry that the film is persuasive enough (in a misleading way) to win new recruits to Moore’s cause, but my guess is it’ll just reinforce pre-existing opinions. If you don’t like Bush and you don’t like his war, you’ll come out disliking both even more. If you think Bush’s critics are full of crap, you’ll spend the entire two hours – as Hitchens evidently did – making a mental list of all the ways Moore is misleading his audience, and you’ll come out of it feeling better about Dubya than ever.

One thing, though – don’t call Fahrenheit 9/11 anti-American. Perhaps Moore’s comments in interviews and speeches allow that case to be made against him personally, though I frankly haven’t studied them in enough detail to weigh in one way or the other. But the movie itself is, in its dissent, no less patriotic than the President it targets.

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Saturday July 3, 2004

You dislike me...you really, really dislike me

Wow…Albertans hate me.

Admittedly, I kind of knew this was coming when I wrote yesterday’s Post column. But damn…I didn’t quite expect to spend the next two days plucking various expletives out of my inbox.

More disturbing than the colourful language is the near-certainty that every note will end with an ominous pronouncement that this is precisely why the West is talking separation. Now, I could point out that any separation movement that takes my columns as inspiration probably isn’t at quite the level of advancement it thinks it is. But I’ll just leave it at this: Stop shooting the messenger.

I wasn’t questioning the validity of Westerners’ post-election angst. Nor was I saying Ontarians made a great decision in re-electing the Liberals in nearly three-quarters of their province’s ridings. I was merely pointing out the obvious – that if Westerners are hostile toward a party they identify with central Canada, it’s not surprising that central Canadians aren’t entirely comfortable with a party they identify with the West.

Why this is so difficult to grasp is beyond me – as is why it’s acceptable to relentlessly bash my part of the country, but verboten to even mildly defend it. Hey, I know…I’ll start an Ontario separation movement! I’m sure that’s the rational response!

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You had to know this was coming...

It's Saturday. The weather is lovely. The Argos and the Alouettes - two strong teams that played a thrilling Eastern final last year - are squaring off at the Skydome.

In almost any other Canadian city, this would be a hot ticket. So no excuses. Get your ass down there and enjoy some football.

If this whole journalism thing doesn't work out, you can see I have a future in marketing.

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Friday July 2, 2004

False outrage

I like John Williamson a lot. And I understand that, as head of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, it's his job to have a conniption every time the government spends fifty cents on pretty well anything. But this is just silly.

If we want good people to get into politics, we can't treat anyone who takes the plunge like dirt. Already, we're asking them to work long hours, spend little time with their families, work with no long-term job security, and accept an endless stream of scorn, derision and cynicism from the general public even if they're doing the best they can do. So I don't think it's too much to ask that, at the end of this - particularly when they're not leaving by choice - they be given a measure of financial security.

It's easy to get Canadians (or pretty well anyone else) riled up about this kind of thing. But it's also irresponsible. For once, let's give our politicians a break.

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Thursday July 1, 2004

Happy Canada Day!





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Tuesday June 29, 2004

Hands up if you saw that one coming

All right, so my predictions were a little off. So were pretty well everyone else’s. In my defence, I can only offer that, until I got sucked in recently, I honestly believed (and argued several times) that merely uniting the right wasn’t the answer, and that if even a relatively small portion of Progressive Conservatives refused to join in, the whole thing would be counterproductive. I only wish I’d stuck with this theory a little more recently.

Other scattered (and hopefully less self-indulgent) thoughts:

  • There will be plenty of spin that, despite the disappointing results, Stephen Harper was the real winner for mounting a strong campaign and upping his fledgling party’s seat count despite having so little time to work with. I don’t buy it.

    Harper’s campaign was only a legitimate success if you’re judging it against Stockwell Day’s 2000 effort. But that only means that it was reasonably competent. Otherwise, it was actually a bit of a failure.

    Heading into the campaign, a strong majority of voters were indicating that they wanted change. Given a passable alternative to Paul Martin’s Liberals, they would have taken it in a heartbeat – much as Ontario voters last year embraced Dalton McGuinty’s Liberals because they were looking for any alternative to Ernie Eves’ Tories. But Harper evidently failed to provide it.

    It wasn’t all his fault, obviously. It was Cheryl Gallant and Randy White and Ralph Klein, and a nasty Liberal ad campaign that got more effective as the race went on. But the fact is, he ran a campaign that was no less flawed than the one Martin took so much heat for.

    He failed to deliver a positive message. He equivocated just a little too much on social issues. He blatantly and rather clumsily tried to mislead voters as to his position on Iraq. He shamefully exploited the horrific murder of a 10-year-old girl in an already repulsive effort to paint his opponents as supporters of child porn. And, from a strategic perspective, he messed up big-time by getting way too cocky after the leaders’ debates.

    Add all that to the fact that he’s not exactly the most charismatic or inspiring guy to begin with, and you can see the problem. I argued the day before the writ was dropped that the election would effectively prove a referendum on Harper’s suitability to lead the country. For now, at least, the people have spoken.

  • There’s no question that just enough NDP voters chickened out – especially in Ontario, and also in B.C. – to deprive the party of the major breakthrough it was hoping for. But it still has plenty of cause for celebration, if it plays its cards right.

    The New Democrats will probably be reluctant to strike a formal coalition with the Liberals, if it’s offered. They’ll worry that, if they actually succeed in shifting Martin’s party substantially to the left, they’ll wind up with their vote eroding and get buried in the next election.

    Maybe so. But you know what? They should go for it anyway. This is the closest they’ve gotten to power in 30 years, and who knows how long it’ll be until they get this close again. So they should take every advantage of the opportunity to make the government’s priorities their own – because that, after all, is presumably why people get into politics.

    We’re not talking proportional representation, either - though it's understandable why they'd want it, having received more than half the Conservatives' popular vote but just one-fifth their seat count. We’re talking public housing, environmental protections, child care, and whatever else really matters to the people they aim to serve. If they really play their cards right, they might even be able to hold a couple of Cabinet positions responsible for those areas.

    So get to it, guys. This is what you’ve been waiting for.

    Update: Maybe they won't have a chance to get to it after all. The latest numbers show the NDP with 19 seats, one short of the number needed to put the Liberals over the top. They're within 150 votes in at least three ridings (in one case it's only about 40), so I'm thinking there'll be some recounts before we know for sure.

  • One of the highlights of last night’s coverage was the array of pollsters on each of the networks trying to explain that there was nothing wrong with their methodology – that they’d been tracking everything properly, and the electorate had just shifted in the past couple of days. But whatever their excuses, the bottom line is that our faith in their abilities to correctly peg the results has been inexorably shaken.

    Good thing, too. One of the worst things about this campaign was the way that, more than ever before, it became more about following the polls than following what was actually happening on the hustings. It was like watching the ESPN Gamecast of a baseball game – you could see the numbers constantly changing, but couldn’t actually see what was moving them. And then, to top it off, the numbers proved entirely false.

    If we take nothing else from the past five weeks, let’s at least remember that there’s only one vote that matters.

  • It’s mighty clichéd to mourn all the great candidates who deserved better fates. But at least a couple deserve mention.

    Tony Clement, who lost to a far lesser candidate in Colleen Beaumier, has to be the unluckiest guy in Canadian politics. In the past couple of years, he’s lost the Ontario Tory leadership, his provincial seat, the federal Conservative leadership, and now a federal seat. Tony is a quality guy who, even though he’s still far too much of a conservative true believer for my blood, brings a lot to the table. One day, he’ll find voters who properly appreciate him.

    Then there’s Dennis Mills. For the rest of the country, Jack Layton’s victory in Toronto-Danforth was the best outcome. But the riding itself has lost a truly committed constituency MP and a genuinely decent guy. Dennis has his quirks, and he was out of sync with urban Toronto on certain social issues. But for all the mediocrities toiling in the Liberals’ Ontario caucus, it’s a shame he had to be one of the few to go.

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    Monday June 28, 2004

    The numbers game

    Everybody seems to be makin' em, so here are my entirely unscientific predictions: Conservatives 119; Liberals 106; Bloc 54; NDP 28; Independents (in the form of Chuck Cadman, hopefully, and not the unspeakable Jim Pankiw) 1.

    I hope I'm wrong, because the best scenario I can think of out of this mess is a Liberal minority supported by the NDP. It's fair to say that my colleagues at the Post do not share that sentiment. Hopefully, they're not among the millions of Canadians who will be turning to this blog on election day.

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    Time for the ground game

    Candidates of all stripes like to tell their volunteers that it’s their support that makes victory possible.

    It’s a nice sentiment, but it’s often a load of crap. It’s which party they’re running for and who’s leading it that matters first and foremost, followed by the candidate’s profile and personal merits. The efforts of volunteers, while always helpful, only rarely make or break their campaigns.

    Today, however, it may be different. For the Liberals in particular, it may be up to their on-the-ground workers to turn a potentially disastrous result into a more respectable – or at least less disastrous - one.

    For the past five weeks, each local campaign has worked diligently to identify as many of its supporters as possible. Now, it’s time to put that information to good use as they attempt to get every single one of their backers out to vote.

    This happens every election, and for the Conservatives and the NDP it’ll be business as usual. But for the Liberals, it’ll be a bigger challenge than ever.

    Rarely has any party had such a reluctant and unmotivated support base. Many if not most Canadians planning to vote Liberal are doing so holding their noses, accepting that there are no better options but wishing they didn’t have to vote at all. And if the local campaigns don’t hound them out of their homes and over to the polling stations, many will give in to temptation and find something better to do with their time.

    So if those Liberal volunteers seem a little intense when they get to your door, cut them some slack. For today, at least, their party’s future may be resting on their shoulders as much as anyone else’s.

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    Friday June 25, 2004

    Talk radio for masochists

    Sometime last night, one or several of Stephen Harper's handlers must have gotten an earful.

    Harper's strategy in the campaign's final days is to play it safe. But for some reason, his campaign booked him onto Andrew Krystal's show on Toronto's Mojo Radio last night. This wasn't just risky - it was masochistic.

    Krystal, as anyone can tell from about five minutes of listening to him, is about as left-wing and as abrasive as any radio host in the country. And since he's on a station that prides itself on being outrageous, he's inclined to go for a bit of shock value. So rather than a breezy little chat, which is probably what Harper's handlers were expecting on a station that promises "talk radio for guys," the Conservative leader spent 10 minutes being berated by the host on everything from Iraq to child porn to whether he believes in evolution.

    To his immense credit, Harper kept his cool before politely bailing when Krystal started attacking him on religious conservatism. Paul Martin, I suspect, would have blown up after about 90 seconds of this. Following the interview, Krystal revealed - to no one's great surprise - that the PM's campaign team has turned his interview requests. I'm sure Harper is wondering why his guys didn't do likewise.

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    Radwanski's Ramblings from June 18-24, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from June 11-17, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from June 4-10, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from May 28-June 3, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from May 21-27, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from May 14-20, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from May 7-13, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from April 23-May 6, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from April 16-22, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from April 9-15, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from April 2-8, 2004

    Radwanski's Ramblings from March 26-April 1, 2004





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