Reading Ethics Commissioner Bernard Shapiro's report on Judy Sgro was
enough to inspire flashbacks.
It's not that I ever signed off on ethically shaky temporary residence
permits like Ms. Sgro, or pulled rank to help supporters with their
immigration issues like senior aide Ihor Wans, or turned up armed with
free pizza at an MP's office in the hope of staying in the country like
Harjit Singh. But in a different life, I passed a couple of summers
working in a constituency office - not just any constituency office,
but a Liberal one in York West, the same riding Ms. Sgro holds. So I
know all too well the dangers of an immigration system that gives MPs
and their staffers a front-and-centre role.
Most Canadians never enter their local constituency offices, which no
doubt leads to a lot of misconceptions - mostly that the offices exist
to serve as MPs' eyes and ears on the major issues facing the community
and the country, allowing them to go back to Ottawa armed with their
voters' views. Truthfully, that's more or less what I was expecting the
first day I showed up for work. What I quickly learned was that, in any
urban riding with a decent number of new Canadians (or aspiring new
Canadians), community political staffers effectively function as de
facto immigration consultants.
It's the product, largely, of an immigration system so convoluted and
plagued with delays that immigrants and sponsors find it impossible to
navigate on their own. With nowhere else to turn, those who can't afford
or don't trust immigration lawyers turn up at their MPs' doorsteps.
Often, they're doing so on the mistaken assumption that their
representatives are so powerful they can snap their fingers and have
applications granted. What they don't realize is that they're putting
their faith in political staff who generally have little ability or idea
how to make the process work more smoothly - and, in some cases, may
not have much interest in doing so anyway.
The office I worked in was a case in point. From the moment we opened our
doors each morning until closing time, the phone rang off the hook -
and, often, the waiting area overflowed - with applicants and sponsors
making their case. And while they tended to make a perfunctory effort to
look into applications' status, the staff's main interest - beyond a
few friends they went the extra mile for - was simply in giving the
appearance of helping.
In one episode I'd particularly like to forget, a colleague left work
early and asked me to handle her late-afternoon appointment. Just take
notes and look sympathetic, I was instructed - there wasn't much else
to be done. What she didn't tell me was that I'd be doing this
playacting while a sobbing Ghanian woman detailed the rape and other
horrors her daughter was facing in their homeland as she struggled in
vain to bring her over.
When I told my co-worker about the episode the next day, she rolled her
eyes. It was an alarmingly common reaction.
That's one extreme, perhaps. But as Ms. Sgro's trials and tribulations
prove, the other extreme - in which MPs' staff go out of their way to
advance applicants' interests - can prove equally offensive.
Most political staff can't help but be motivated by political interests.
So when they take an active interest in certain cases, it's usually
because they somehow involve an important supporter or demographic.
What makes this all the more unfair is that the one sure way to give
applicants what they want is by obtaining a special ministerial permit
- something that's much more likely to happen if the MP in question is
on the same side of the House as the immigration minister, and doubly so
if the MP is the immigration minister. That's why, in the orgy of
temporary residence permits handed out during last year's federal
election campaign, 74 cases identified Liberal MPs as supporters of the
application - including 24 involving Ms. Sgro herself - while just two
identified Conservative MPs.
Those going to constituency offices for help, in other words, generally
face two possibilities: Either staff will absent-mindedly humour them,
at best assisting in understanding the process but giving false hope in
the process, or they'll afford them preferential treatment that
compromises the system's integrity.
The only solution, and it's an obvious one, is to get MPs out of the
process entirely. Hire more immigration officers, open community offices
- whatever it takes. Just don't have young, untrained political
staffers meddling in a complicated and sensitive process that needs to
stay non-partisan.
Until the system is made more efficient and transparent, of course,
frustrated and confused applicants will continue to seek politicians'
help. Ironically, Ms. Sgro seemed more disposed than most other
immigration ministers to undertake the reforms needed to change that.
Unless someone else picks up the ball, the politicization of the
immigration process that brought her down will continue.